Plaid Cymru fails to act

As I'm sure everyone reading this will know, the first aim of Plaid Cymru as a political party is for Wales to be independent.

For a period, the party was not quite sure whether it wanted to use the "i" word, and so decided to describe its first aim as "to promote the constitutional advancement of Wales with a view to attaining Full National Status for Wales within the European Union" instead. It was a compromise that was broadly acceptable, not least because we also stated that one of our aims was specifically "to attain membership of the United Nations". As only independent sovereign states can be members of the UN, it was a round about way of saying that we wanted Wales to have the same status as nearly all other nations in the world ... but without actually using the "i" word.

However at the party conference this year we unanimously passed a motion to change our constitution and make it explicit that our first aim was "to secure independence for Wales in Europe". This reflects the fact that in recent years we have regained some of our boldness, and are no longer afraid to talk about independence.

One person who should have spoken in the debate, but didn't, was Dafydd Elis-Thomas. Instead of arguing his position in the conference hall, he decided to ignore the party completely and go straight to the press. He gave an interview to the Daily Post in which he stated, incredibly, that independence had never been what Plaid Cymru stood for, that he was ethically opposed to it, and that it was a "mirage".

     Plaid Cymru leadership challenger says Welsh independence is a "mirage"

The only explanation for this behaviour was that he knew full well he wouldn't be able to change the minds of any of the delegates at conference; but being too vain to want to be seen on the losing side in the vote in the hall, he went public. He was making the clearest possible statement that whatever the party decided, he would not change his view.

-

Now everyone is fully entitled to their views, of course, but there is no place in any self-respecting political party for someone who is opposed to that party's fundamental aims ... and especially for someone who goes out of their way to speak against them. For Dafydd Elis-Thomas did not say this just once: in the days and weeks following that interview he went on to say in public that he wouldn't advocate any constitutional changes for Wales at all; and that he saw Wales' place as a region in Europe, with devolution and within the UK, rather than as an independent member of the EU in our own right.

At the same time another prominent member of the party, Rhodri Glyn Thomas, said in two television interviews that he did not and had never supported independence for Wales, even though he acknowledged that this put him at odds with the party.

Because these statements were clearly in conflict with Plaid Cymru's fundamental aims, I and other members of the party decided to make a formal complaint against these two men. I daresay that there will be some speculation or misinformation about what exactly we were trying to achieve, therefore I've decided to publish the complaint so that everyone can read it for themselves.

     Formal Complaint against Dafydd Elis-Thomas and Rhodri Glyn Thomas

We've now heard from the panel that was given responsibility for handling the matter that the complaint was not upheld, and that the party is not going to take any action against them. We think these are cowardly and shameful decisions which make the party look ridiculous. What is the point of us deciding to make it absolutely explicit in our constitution that our first aim as a party is independence, but then allow prominent members of the party to undermine that by making a series of public statements which are in direct conflict with that aim?

Put more bluntly, what on earth is the point of Plaid Cymru continuing as a political party if it refuses to take its first and most fundamental aim seriously?

     

Now I will be the first to admit that in detailing what has happened I am washing Plaid's dirty linen in public. Something in our party stinks, and I am making what has happened public only because those who could and should have dealt with it have refused to wash this dirty linen in private.

We did not ask the party to do anything that we thought would be problematic or difficult. Even though it is clear from our constitution that all members must agree to further the aims of the party, and that a member will be subject to disciplinary action for actions or statements in conflict with these aims, we did not ask for either man to be expelled from the party.

We stressed that we sought a conciliatory solution, and recommended that the party should formally instruct them to make public statements saying unequivocally that they support the aims of the party ... and specifically the aims of independence for Wales within Europe and Wales becoming a member of the United Nations. We only wanted to see a more severe sanction if they refused to make such a statement, and suggested that this should be removal from the party's national register of candidates so that they could not stand for Plaid Cymru in future elections.

If the party had done this, there would have one of two outcomes: either that these men would publicly declare their support for independence, leaving us as a party that was fully united behind its aims; or that they could have quietly stood down at the next election without losing face, because no-one outside the party would have needed to know exactly why they were standing down.

But perhaps it isn't surprising that neither of them was prepared to make such a statement. If we look at the Daily Post "mirage" interview, Dafydd Elis-Thomas said:

"The priority seems to be to drive forward with greater devolution within Europe and that's always been my position."

and

"I am part of the European, green, leftist post nationalist alternative. I am very strongly a European regionalist. I will not change my personal convictions."

And Rhodri Glyn Thomas said these things about independence in two separate TV interviews:

"Let me say it's not my view. It may be the party's view, but it's never been my view."

and

"It's not a term that I’ve used during my political career, and I’m not likely to use it."

People would not say things like this unless it was their deliberate intention to show the public that they do not and will not support the party's first aim. Nevertheless we thought we should in the first instance (at least formally, for an informal approach had been ignored) give them the opportunity to reconsider their position. But more importantly we wanted to give the party as an organization the opportunity to insist that they did so or stand down at the next election. They failed to take it.

-

I want to stress that there are many good, sincere people in Plaid Cymru who are absolutely unequivocal in their belief that Wales should be independent. I and the others who made the complaint are not some small clique within the party. On the contrary, in wanting independence for Wales we are part of the overwhelming majority. Remember that the amendment to the constitution was passed unanimously. But we suffer from a small clique entrenched in senior positions in the party who have become arrogant enough to believe that party rules don't apply to them and to think that they can ignore the rest of the party with impunity.

If I thought I was in a minority, then I would leave the party. If all I wanted for Wales was greater devolution in maybe a federal UK, then I would join a party that has this as one of its aims. But I want Wales to be independent. So even though certain people in the party might wish it, I'm not going to leave Plaid Cymru in a huff or be forced out of the party. I'm simply going to stand up for what the party says it believes in. I know others will stand with me.

     

So what is the point of making what has happened public?

There are many people at all levels of the party who have said they welcomed a formal complaint as an opportunity for the party to show some backbone and stand up for what it believes in. I and others have had many, many phone calls and emails over the past few weeks from people supporting what we have done and saying they were glad that someone was at last making a stand.

So it's sad and shameful that the party hierarchy has chosen to put fudge and political expediency before our principles as a party, and this must now be changed. There are two things that can be done to change it.
 

What members of Plaid Cymru can do

Our strength as a party does not come down from the top of the party, but grows up from the bottom. The strength of the party is each and every individual member who is active in the party and slogs their guts out giving their time, effort and money to the party. No councillor, AM, MP or MEP would get elected if it wasn't for this hard work. Why on earth should any of us waste that time and effort getting someone elected who doesn't agree with the fundamental aims of the party?

Don't misunderstand me. I'm not asking anyone to stop working for the party. But I am asking you to exercise your rights as members to make sure that the candidates you work to elect are chosen only from those who support the party's aims. If you, at branch and constituency level, kick up enough fuss you will be able to force anti-Plaid AMs like Dafydd Elis-Thomas and Rhodri Glyn Thomas out and make sure that better candidates are selected in their place.

I would also appeal to those who support independence for Wales but who have avoided or left Plaid Cymru because of our previous ambivalence towards independence to consider joining or rejoining the party. Because of what is happening in Scotland, the issue of independence will be at the centre of political debate for the next few years, so there can be no better time to join us in working for our own country's independence. But please read the constitution first. We are currently having a membership drive, but I don't want anyone to join under false pretences. I would rather have another 500 people who are prepared to wholeheartedly commit themselves to what the party says it stands for than 1,000 who join without thinking it through.

Finally, use your influence and votes as party members wisely. Make sure you elect the right people as branch officers, conference delegates and representatives on National Council, and make sure that they in turn are answerable to you for the way they vote on your behalf. In this way, we can clear out the rotten wood.

Over the last few months we have been conducting a root and branch review, and in a matter of weeks Eurfyl ap Gwilym will publish a report on how the party should move forward. I fully expect that he will say in no uncertain terms that it is time for Plaid and its leadership team to articulate our vision for an independent Wales or move out of the way. To their credit some of them know that; but others will need to be pushed, and we as members will have to do the pushing. It goes without saying that those who have spoken out against independence, or those who think that arguing the case for independence is a confusing distraction from what really matters are completely unsuited to lead Plaid Cymru at what our new Chief Executive has rightly described as a critical juncture in the party's history.
 

What others can do

Those who are not in the party can do their part too. We need our journalists in Wales to put AMs like these on the spot; to not be afraid to ask probing questions about what AMs stand for; to refuse to accept glib or evasive answers and weasel words. Those who put forward their own views rather than representing what the party stands for should be made to squirm. A few cringe-inducing interviews with DET or RhGT will be quite enough for the Plaid Cymru leadership to ensure they don't appear on air or in the press next time.

And the same goes for politicians from other parties. Taunt and make fun of those who were elected as Plaid Cymru candidates but hold views that are in conflict with the aims of the party. They are freeloaders; people who are using their elected position to further their own personal agenda rather than the aims of the party they stood for. They deserve all the embarrassment and ridicule they get.

And yes, while you do that you can and I'm sure you will taunt the rest of us in Plaid Cymru for allowing such a situation to develop and doing nothing to deal with it. We deserve it ... but if what I've written in this post achieves its purpose, you will not be able to do it for very much longer.
 

Michael Haggett
 

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Gemau Glew

Just for fun—well maybe not just for fun—here are a couple of games that have just been released by Academi Hywel Teifi. The second one is harder than the first.

Nice to see that the academic work-life balance hasn't changed much over the years.

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Spanish election




The results of the Spanish general election are now clear, if not quite final, with the right wing Partido Popular winning 186 of the 350 seats in the lower house. This is bad news for those whose politics are generally to the left, and also bad news for those who don't support a centralized Spanish state. The 2011 result is on the left, the 2008 result on the right.


      


I'm sure there'll be plenty in the UK media on the implications of this for Spain, but not much on the particular implications for Catalunya and Euskadi. So let me try and put that right.
 


The Catalan perspective


The big hope of the centre-right nationalist CiU in Catalunya was that Mariano Rajoy would not get an overall majority and would need to do a deal with them to form a government. That deal would have come at the price of greater fiscal autonomy for Catalunya. But because the PP have an overall majority, that isn't going to happen.


But this is not necessarily a bad thing for those who want to see Catalunya become independent, for it simply removes one of the options. For Catalunya, the situation is exactly the same as for Scotland: a big majority of the people want greater autonomy, and many would be probably satisfied with a substantially greater degree of autonomy as part of either Spain or the UK rather than independence. However, if that middle option is taken off the table, support for independence becomes greater. With a PP government in Madrid, the option of moving towards a federal Spain has been removed, for the PP are the archetypal Spanish nationalist party and if anything will move to re-centralize rather than federalize Spain. The current economic crisis will give them all the pretext they need.


These are the results for Catalunya:


CiU ... 29.35% (was 20.93%) 16 seats (was 10)

PSC-PSOE ... 26.64% (was 45.93%) 14 seats (was 25)

PP ... 20.72% (was 16.40%) 11 seats (was 8)

ICV-EUiA ... 8.09% (was 4.92%) 3 seats (was 1)

ERC (+ RCAT) ... 7.06% (was 7.83%) 3 seats (was 3)


Ara, 20 November 2011


The pattern here is a huge collapse in the Spanish Socialist vote, more marked in Catalunya that in the Spanish as a whole (where it fell from 43.87% to 28.73%). But although some of that vote went to the PP, a much larger part of the swing from left to right went to CiU. They have every reason to be very pleased with this result, for a gain of six seats was much larger than the gain of two that was being predicted when I wrote this post last weekend.


But this won't really get them anything they want from Madrid, and certainly not the same degree of fiscal autonomy as the four Basque provinces enjoy. So what is Artur Mas's plan B? He personally is in favour of independence, as is much of the CiU leadership, though perhaps more so on the C (Convergence) side than the U (Union) side. The majority of party supporters now want independence too. So, at least as I see it, the next few months could see the party's official policy shift from pro-autonomy within Spain to pro-independence. Artur Mas will be in a very strong position to push this through because of the gains made by CiU in this election, and the new wave of austerity measures and a clampdown on regional autonomy from the Madrid government will only serve to increase the alienation between Spain and Catalunya yet further. This opportunity is too good to miss, but will he and his party be up to it?
 



The Basque Perspective


A week ago, the polls were predicting an almost equal four way split between the two Spanish parties (the PP and PSE-PSOE), and the two Basque nationalist parties (the centre-right EAJ-PNV and the new pro independence left coalition Amaiur. In terms of percentages, the polls were just about right. But in terms of seats won, Amaiur have come from nowhere to become the biggest party with 7 of the 23 seats. This is the graphic from Gara:


    


This shows the results for all four Basque provinces in Spain, rather than just the three in the Autonomous community. The situation is complicated a little by the fact that in 2008 NaBai was a broad Basque nationalist coalition of both left and right; but in 2011 the EAJ-PNV fought as Geroa Bai while the left stood as part of Amaiur.


EAJ-PNV (+ Geroa Bai) ... 24.23% (was 25.08%) 6 seats (was 7)

PP ... 22.27% (was 23.32%) 5 seats (was 5)

Amaiur ... 22.08% (EA and Aralar were 5.47%) 7 seats (was 0)

PSE-PSOE ... 21.65% (was 37.36%) 5 seats (was 11)


Gara, 20 November 2011


Again, there is a huge fall in the Spanish Socialist vote, but virtually all of it has gone to the pro-independence left. In contrast to what's happened in Spain, there has been no appreciable swing from left to right in Euskadi. The PP's vote has, amazingly, managed to go down; though the EAJ-PNV vote has probably increased slightly (because some of NaBai's vote in 2008 would have come from left leaning Basque nationalists). The numbers of seats won doesn't quite match the percentages because smaller provinces have proportionally more seats than larger provinces.


This is a stunning result for the pro-independence left in Euskadi, but what will it lead to?


7 seats won't make a blind bit of difference to a right wing Spanish government in Madrid ... nor will the combined Basque nationalist total of 13 out of 23 seats (or 11 out of 18 seats excluding Nafarroa). Instead, this is about the normalization of politics in the post-ETA era. The Spanish State has finally run out of excuses to ban the pro-independence left from standing in elections, so we are beginning to see just how strong that support is, and therefore how strong the combined support for independence is from both the left and right of the political spectrum.

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test

The results of the Spanish general election are now clear, if not quite final, with the right wing Partido Popular winning 186 of the 350 seats in the lower house. This is bad news for those whose politics are generally to the left, and also bad news for those who don't support a centralized Spanish state. The 2011 result is on the left, the 2008 result on the right.

      

I'm sure there'll be plenty in the UK media on the implications of this for Spain, but not much on the particular implications for Catalunya and Euskadi. So let me try and put that right.
 

The Catalan perspective

The big hope of the centre-right nationalist CiU in Catalunya was that Mariano Rajoy would not get an overall majority and would need to do a deal with them to form a government. That deal would have come at the price of greater fiscal autonomy for Catalunya. But because the PP have an overall majority, that isn't going to happen.

But this is not necessarily a bad thing for those who want to see Catalunya become independent, for it simply removes one of the options. For Catalunya, the situation is exactly the same as for Scotland: a big majority of the people want greater autonomy, and many would be probably satisfied with a substantially greater degree of autonomy as part of either Spain or the UK rather than independence. However, if that middle option is taken off the table, support for independence becomes greater. With a PP government in Madrid, the option of moving towards a federal Spain has been removed, for the PP are the archetypal Spanish nationalist party and if anything will move to re-centralize rather than federalize Spain. The current economic crisis will give them all the pretext they need.

These are the results for Catalunya:

CiU ... 29.35% (was 20.93%) 16 seats (was 10)
PSC-PSOE ... 26.64% (was 45.93%) 14 seats (was 25)
PP ... 20.72% (was 16.40%) 11 seats (was 8)
ICV-EUiA ... 8.09% (was 4.92%) 3 seats (was 1)
ERC (+ RCAT) ... 7.06% (was 7.83%) 3 seats (was 3)

Ara, 20 November 2011

The pattern here is a huge collapse in the Spanish Socialist vote, more marked in Catalunya that in the Spanish as a whole (where it fell from 43.87% to 28.73%). But although some of that vote went to the PP, a much larger part of the swing from left to right went to CiU. They have every reason to be very pleased with this result, for a gain of six seats was much larger than the gain of two that was being predicted when I wrote this post last weekend.

But this won't really get them anything they want from Madrid, and certainly not the same degree of fiscal autonomy as the four Basque provinces enjoy. So what is Artur Mas's plan B? He personally is in favour of independence, as is much of the CiU leadership, though perhaps more so on the C (Convergence) side than the U (Union) side. The majority of party supporters now want independence too. So, at least as I see it, the next few months could see the party's official policy shift from pro-autonomy within Spain to pro-independence. Artur Mas will be in a very strong position to push this through because of the gains made by CiU in this election, and the new wave of austerity measures and a clampdown on regional autonomy from the Madrid government will only serve to increase the alienation between Spain and Catalunya yet further. This opportunity is too good to miss, but will he and his party be up to it?
 

The Basque Perspective

A week ago, the polls were predicting an almost equal four way split between the two Spanish parties (the PP and PSE-PSOE), and the two Basque nationalist parties (the centre-right EAJ-PNV and the new pro independence left coalition Amaiur. In terms of percentages, the polls were just about right. But in terms of seats won, Amaiur have come from nowhere to become the biggest party with 7 of the 23 seats. This is the graphic from Gara:

    

This shows the results for all four Basque provinces in Spain, rather than just the three in the Autonomous community. The situation is complicated a little by the fact that in 2008 NaBai was a broad Basque nationalist coalition of both left and right; but in 2011 the EAJ-PNV fought as Geroa Bai while the left stood as part of Amaiur.

EAJ-PNV (+ Geroa Bai) ... 24.23% (was 25.08%) 6 seats (was 7)
PP ... 22.27% (was 23.32%) 5 seats (was 5)
Amaiur ... 22.08% (EA and Aralar were 5.47%) 7 seats (was 0)
PSE-PSOE ... 21.65% (was 37.36%) 5 seats (was 11)

Gara, 20 November 2011

Again, there is a huge fall in the Spanish Socialist vote, but virtually all of it has gone to the pro-independence left. In contrast to what's happened in Spain, there has been no appreciable swing from left to right in Euskadi. The PP's vote has, amazingly, managed to go down; though the EAJ-PNV vote has probably increased slightly (because some of NaBai's vote in 2008 would have come from left leaning Basque nationalists). The numbers of seats won doesn't quite match the percentages because smaller provinces have proportionally more seats than larger provinces.

This is a stunning result for the pro-independence left in Euskadi, but what will it lead to?

7 seats won't make a blind bit of difference to a right wing Spanish government in Madrid ... nor will the combined Basque nationalist total of 13 out of 23 seats (or 11 out of 18 seats excluding Nafarroa). Instead, this is about the normalization of politics in the post-ETA era. The Spanish State has finally run out of excuses to ban the pro-independence left from standing in elections, so we are beginning to see just how strong that support is, and therefore how strong the combined support for independence is from both the left and right of the political spectrum.

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Bon cop de falç

As today is Catalunya's National Day, I thought a rousing version of one of the better national anthems in the world would be in order.

     

It's called Els Segadors, which means The Reapers, and is a song of breaking the chains and driving away the conceited and contemptful Spanish.

With the way Spain is treating the Catalans, I wouldn't be surprised to see a repeat of last July, when more than a million people were on the streets of Barcelona. We can be with them in spirit.

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Beermats

If any of you are going out for a drink tonight, these beermats might well come in handy:
 

     

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Analysis

   South Wales West          
 
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Constituencies
1   Aberafan
1   Bridgend
1   Gower
1   Neath
1   Ogmore
1   Swansea East
1   Swansea West
 

   South Wales West          
 
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Constituencies
 
1   Aberafan
2   Bridgend
3   Gower
4   Neath
5   Ogmore
6   Swansea East
7   Swansea West
 
Regional seats
 
1   Plaid Cymru
2   Conservative
3   LibDem
4   Plaid Cymru
 

    
South Wales West
          
 






Constituencies
 
1   Aberafan
2   Bridgend
3   Gower
4   Neath
5   Ogmore
6   Swansea East
7   Swansea West
 
Regional seats
 
1   Plaid Cymru
2   Conservative
3   LibDem
4   Plaid Cymru
 

    
South Wales West
          
 






Constituencies
 
1   Aberafan
2   Bridgend
3   Gower
4   Neath
5   Ogmore
6   Swansea East
7   Swansea West
 
Regional seats
 
1   Plaid Cymru
2   Conservative
3   LibDem
4   Plaid Cymru
 

    
North Wales
          
 






Constituencies
 
1   Aberconwy
2   Alyn & Deeside
3   Arfon
4   Clwyd South
5   Clwyd West
6   Delyn
7   Vale of Clwyd
8   Wrecsam
9   Ynys Môn
 
Regional seats
 
1   Plaid Cymru
2   Conservative
3   LibDem
4   Plaid Cymru
 

    
South Wales Central
          
 






Constituencies
 
1   Cardiff Central
2   Cardiff North
3   Cardiff South & Penarth
4   Cardiff West
5   Cynon Valley
6   Pontypridd
7   Rhondda
8   Vale of Glamorgan
 
Regional seats
 
1   Plaid Cymru
2   Conservative
3   LibDem
4   Plaid Cymru
 

    
South Wales East
          
 






Constituencies
 
1   Blaenau Gwent
2   Caerffili
3   Islwyn
4   Merthyr Tudful & Rhymni
5   Monmouthshire
6   Newport East
7   Newport West
8   Torfaen
 
Regional seats
 
1   Plaid Cymru
2   Conservative
3   LibDem
4   Plaid Cymru
 

    
Mid and West Wales
          
 






Constituencies
 
1   Brecon & Radnor
2   Carmarthen East & Dinefwr
3   Carmarthen West & SP
4   Ceredigion
5   Dwyfor Meirionydd
6   Llanelli
7   Montgomery
8   Preseli Pembrokeshire
 
Regional seats
 
1   Labour
2   Labour
3   Conservative
4   Plaid Cymru
 

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Maps

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Map

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table 2



For any who are interested, these are the Statcounter statistics on a weekly and monthly basis:


   
Which one of these levels of government do you think presently has MOST influence over Wales?
   2008   2009   2010   2011
The European Union8%8%6%11%
The UK Government35%29%40%47%
The Welsh Government40%40%36%24%
Local Authorities10%15%7%6%
   
Which level of government do you think SHOULD have most influence over Wales?
   2008   2009   2010   2011
The European Union2%2%1%1%
The UK Government22%21%24%27%
The Welsh Government61%61%62%58%
Local Authorities11%14%7%7%
   
Which one of these statements comes closest to your view?
Wales should be / have ...
   2008   2009   2010   2011
Independent, outside EU5%5%4%4%
Independent, inside EU8%8%7%7%
Assembly with full law and some tax powers37%34%40%35%
Assembly with full law and no tax powersn/a10%13%18%
Assembly with limited law powers only26%21%18%17%
No Assembly20%19%13%15%
   
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table 2



For any who are interested, these are the Statcounter statistics on a weekly and monthly basis:


   
Which level of government do you think SHOULD have most influence over Wales?
   2008   2009   2010   2011
 
The European Union5%5%4%4%
The UK Government8%8%7%7%
The Welsh Government37%34%40%35%
Local Authoritiesn/a10%13%18%
   
Which one of these statements comes closest to your view?
Wales should be/have ...
   2008   2009   2010   2011
 
Independent, outside EU5%5%4%4%
Independent, inside EU8%8%7%7%
Assembly with full law and some tax powers37%34%40%35%
Assembly with full law and no tax powersn/a10%13%18%
Assembly with limited law powers only26%21%18%17%
No Assembly20%19%13%15%
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table



For any who are interested, these are the Statcounter statistics on a weekly and monthly basis:


   
Which one of these statements comes closest to your view?
Wales should be/have ...
   2008   2009   2010   2011
 
Independent, outside EU5%5%4%4%
Independent, inside EU8%8%7%7%
Assembly with full law and some tax powers37%34%40%35%
Assembly with full law and no tax powersn/a10%13%18%
Assembly with limited law powers only26%21%18%17%
No Assembly20%19%13%15%
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Three Videos

Ioan Gruffudd, Cynog Dafis and Tyrone O'Sullivan give their reasons for voting Yes on 3 March:

     

     

     

The originals are from the Ie dros Gymru and Our Assembly pages on YouTube.

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Provision of mental health services

The National Assembly for Wales (Legislative Competence) (Health and Health Services and Social Welfare) Order 2010 (formerly known as the National Assembly for Wales (Legislative Competence) (No.6) Order 2008 (Relating to Provision of Mental Health Services)

Proposed by Jonathan Morgan AM. The Order confers further legislative competence on the National Assembly for Wales, in the field of Health and Health services (field 9, Part 1, Schedule 5 to the 2006 Act). The Order enables the National Assembly for Wales to pass Assembly Measures providing mentally disordered persons with a right to assessment by the health service in Wales, duties on the health service to provide treatment, and a right to independent mental health advocacy.

The Order became the first to be introduced by an individual backbench Assembly Member to receive Royal approval.

Assembly:

Westminster:

National Assembly for Wales, Archive of LCOs and Measures

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A Video

For more, go the OurAssembly page on YouTube.

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Ali Yassine

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Systematic attempts to undermine direct action

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Davies, Straw, Woolas ... playing the same card

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